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                <text>Salem-born author Nathaniel Hawthorne (1804-1864) lived in Concord at three different periods of his life—from 1842 to 1845, from 1852 to 1853, and from 1860 until his death in 1864.&#13;
&#13;
   On July 9, 1842, Hawthorne married Sophia Amelia Peabody in Boston and brought her to the Manse in Concord to live.  At the urging of Elizabeth Hoar and Emerson, he had rented the old house, which stood vacant following the death in 1841 of Ezra Ripley.  Before the newlyweds moved in, Elizabeth Hoar and Cynthia Thoreau (Henry’s mother) prepared the house for their arrival.&#13;
&#13;
   The Hawthornes were blissfully happy in the Manse.  They delighted in the beauty of the Concord landscape and in the amusements it offered.  Una, the first of their three children, was born here in 1844.  Moreover, although shy, Hawthorne enjoyed the company of Thoreau, Ellery Channing, and other local residents, and of visitors as well.&#13;
&#13;
   Emerson and Hawthorne did not readily warm up to one another.  The two were temperamentally and intellectually dissimilar.  Hawthorne’s reticence made him difficult to get to know.  Furthermore, Emerson did not particularly admire Hawthorne’s writing, which he felt lacked substance, going so far as to describe it in one journal entry as “not good for anything.”  For his part, Hawthorne was impatient with the mystical vagueness of Transcendentalism and its chief proponent.  He wrote in his journal on August 15, 1842 of Emerson as “the mystic, stretching his hand out of cloud-land, in vain search for something real … a great searcher for facts; but they seem to melt away and become unsubstantial in his grasp.”&#13;
&#13;
   In an effort to break down the barriers that hindered their friendship, Emerson asked Hawthorne to make a two-day walking trip to the Shaker village in Harvard, Massachusetts, in October of 1842.  If forging a close relationship was the object of the excursion, it was a failure.  However, it did provide an opportunity for the two to come to a better understanding of one another.&#13;
&#13;
   Despite Emerson’s opinion of Hawthorne’s work, between leaving the Manse in 1845 and returning to Concord in 1852, Hawthorne finally achieved recognition as a major American author.  Until 1850, he had served a long, slow literary apprenticeship and made a modest reputation based on stories first published in gift books and periodicals and then collected in book form.  His situation changed radically when Ticknor, Reed and Fields (later Ticknor and Fields)—America’s foremost literary publishers—added him to their stable of New England authors.  With the publication of The Scarlet Letter, his first romance, in 1850, they became his primary publishers. &#13;
&#13;
   Early in June of 1852, Hawthorne moved his family back to Concord, where he and Sophia had bought and refurbished the Alcotts’ first house on Lexington Road.  Formerly called Hillside, the house was renamed the Wayside.  In 1852, Franklin Pierce, the Democratic nominee for the presidency and Hawthorne’s friend from Bowdoin College days, asked Hawthorne to write a campaign biography.  Hawthorne complied.  Pierce won the election in November, 1852, opening up the possibility of political appointment for Hawthorne.  The Senate confirmed Pierce’s appointment of Hawthorne to the American consulship at Liverpool on March 26, 1853.  This post was particularly attractive because it offered the greatest financial remuneration of all the offices that Pierce might have bestowed—a benefit that Hawthorne acknowledged without embarrassment. &#13;
&#13;
   Hawthorne’s campaign biography of Pierce and subsequent involvement in Pierce’s administration disturbed Emerson and others in Concord who objected to the slavery interests with which Pierce was allied.&#13;
&#13;
   Hawthorne died in May of 1864.  Although repelled by Hawthorne’s personal and political loyalty to Franklin Pierce, Emerson served as a pallbearer at his funeral on May 23rd.  In the journal entry for the following day, he revealed sorrow over never having gotten close enough to Hawthorne truly to appreciate him: “I have found in his death a surprise and a disappointment.  I thought him a greater man than any of his works betray, that there was still a great deal of work in him, and that he might one day show a purer power … It would have been a happiness, doubtless to both of us, to have come into habits of unreserved intercourse.  It was easy to talk with him … only, he said so little, that I talked too much … Now it appears that I waited too long.  Lately, he had removed himself the more by the indignation his perverse politics and unfortunate friendship for that paltry Franklin Pierce awaked,—though  it rather moved pity for Hawthorne, and the assured belief that he would outlive it, and come out right at last.”</text>
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                <text> Emerson had begun to think about the book that would eventually be published under the title Nature as early as 1833.  After he moved to Concord in 1834, he worked on it while boarding at the Manse and then in the Coolidge house.  In preparing it, he drew on material from his journals, sermons, and lectures.  On June 28, 1836, he wrote to his brother William, “My little book is nearly done.”  Nature—a lengthy essay divided into chapters—was published in September of that year.&#13;
&#13;
   At the beginning of Nature, Emerson posed the questions, “The foregoing generations beheld God and nature face to face; we, through their eyes.  Why should not we also enjoy an original relation to the universe?  Why should not we have a poetry and philosophy of insight and not of tradition, and a religion by revelation to us, and not the history of theirs?”  For Emerson, the presence of the divine spirit in both nature and the human soul made a direct understanding of God and openness to the natural world key to the understanding of broader truth.  In each manifestation of God, man could discover in encapsulated form all universal laws at work.  What was required for such perception was neither the received dogma of traditional systems of belief nor reasoned logic, but rather a more mystical intuition capable of revealing truth and morality in the various expressions of the divine.&#13;
&#13;
   Slim volume though it was, Nature drew response from reviewers.  Orestes Brownson wrote about it for the Boston Reformer, for example, the conservative Francis Bowen (a critic of Transcendentalism) for the Christian Examiner, Samuel Osgood for the Western Messenger, and Elizabeth Peabody for the United States Magazine and Democratic Review.  The book generated mixed reactions.  Even those reviewers sympathetic to Transcendental thought found aspects of Emerson’s presentation radical, unsettling, and unconvincing.  Peabody—in many ways the consummate Transcendentalist—urged Emerson in her favorable review to write another book to clarify the philosophy that the reader could only understand “by glimpses” in Nature, and to expand upon certain of his religious ideas.</text>
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                <text>A clipping of a news article from the &lt;em&gt;Boston Evening Traveller&lt;/em&gt; providing the public with an update on Calvin Coolidge's plans to attend the 150th anniversary events. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Transcription: &lt;br /&gt;Coolidge Coming for Celebration &lt;br /&gt;Hopeful of Attending Either Concord or Bunker Hill Anniversary Event &lt;br /&gt;Washington, March 6—Although President Coolidge has not reached a final decision as to what trips, if any, he will make in the near future, it was said at the White House today that he hoped to be able to attend the Norse-American centennial celebration at the Minnesota state fair grounds in June. Te [sic] also is hopeful of going to New England either for the Lexington-Concord celebration next month or the exercises that will commemorate the 150th anniversary of the battle of Bunker Hill in June. It was stated at the White House that the President could give no encouragement to hose urging him to make a trip in the near future to Texas.</text>
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                <text>A news clipping from the &lt;em&gt;Boston Traveller&lt;/em&gt; providing an update on Coolidge's plans to visit the Boston area for the 1925 festivities. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Transcription: &lt;br /&gt;Doubt Coolidge Coming April 19 &lt;br /&gt;(By Traveler Correspondent) &lt;br /&gt;Washington, Feb. 19—President Coolidge probably will not be able to attend the Lexington and Concord exercises, April 19 and 20, although a final decision has not been made. He will probably be in Massachusetts and Vermont later in the year, however, on a vacation trip, and still has under consideration invitations to attend the Bunker Hill exercises at Charlestown in June, and exercises in Cambridge, July 3, to mark the anniversary of the date when George Washington took command of the continental army.</text>
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                <text>A news clipping from the&lt;em&gt; Boston Evening Traveller&lt;/em&gt; updating the public on the dwindling likelihood of Calvin Coolidge being present for the Sesquicentennial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Transcription:&lt;br /&gt;Coolidge May Not Come to Concord &lt;br /&gt;(By Traveler Correspondent)&lt;br /&gt;Washington, March 11—President Coolidge probably will not be able to go to Massachusetts in time to attend the Lexington-Concord exercises April 19 and 20, but will probably go to the Bunker Hill day exercises June 17. The last Massachusetts President, John Quincy Adams, presided at the laying of the corner-stone of the Bunker hill monument 100 years ago. If these plans go through, the trip to the Bunker hill exercises would be made while the President was on his way to Swampscott, where he will be most of the latter part of June, July and August, except for a brief visit to Plymouth, Vt., and possibly off-shore cruises on the Mayflower.</text>
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