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&#13;
   In his Ralph Waldo Emerson: A Descriptive Bibliography, Joel Myerson refers to a copy of the printed discourse inscribed by Charles Eliot Norton in 1860: “This discourse has become very rare, most of the copies having been destroyed, many years ago, in a fire at the office of the Town Clerk in Concord.”&#13;
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                <text>The Concord Free Public Library holds typed transcripts of the many volumes of Emerson’s manuscript journals deposited in the Houghton Library at Harvard, among them Journal L (“Concord”), which contains Emerson’s notes from a variety of sources in preparing the 1835 discourse.  The library also houses the original town records scoured by Emerson for information on the periods of Concord history treated in the address.  Both are useful for scholars examining how Emerson adapted his source material in interpreting the town’s history.</text>
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                <text>The surviving records of Concord’s 1835 Committee of Arrangements include the list of subscribers to offset the deficit created by expenditures for the celebration and a file of responses to invitations sent by the committee.  John Quincy Adams—a former president of the United States and in 1835 a representative in the United States Congress—wrote on September 10th to express his polite regrets.  The number of letters of regret in the file suggest that Concordians took their local celebration considerably more seriously than did those not closely connected with the town.</text>
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                <text>All materials courtesy of the William Munroe Special Collections at the Concord Free Public Library</text>
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                <text>A History of the Town of Concord by Lemuel Shattuck</text>
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                <text>Edward Jarvis’s annotated copy of Shattuck’s history of Concord—here opened to show Jarvis’s tell-all description of the choice of Emerson as orator—reveals much about the local political climate in which the 1835 celebration was planned.  Tension between local interests and the world beyond Concord and between the haves and have-nots of the town are apparent in the account.</text>
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                <text>All materials courtesy of the William Munroe Special Collections at the Concord Free Public Library</text>
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                <text>Emerson here stands as if ready to lecture.  One of his hands is clenched into a fist—a characteristic trait of Emerson on the lecture platform.</text>
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                <text>Donated by Mrs. Arthur Holland</text>
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                <text>All materials courtesy of the William Munroe Special Collections at the Concord Public Library</text>
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                <text> Emerson had begun to think about the book that would eventually be published under the title Nature as early as 1833.  After he moved to Concord in 1834, he worked on it while boarding at the Manse and then in the Coolidge house.  In preparing it, he drew on material from his journals, sermons, and lectures.  On June 28, 1836, he wrote to his brother William, “My little book is nearly done.”  Nature—a lengthy essay divided into chapters—was published in September of that year.&#13;
&#13;
   At the beginning of Nature, Emerson posed the questions, “The foregoing generations beheld God and nature face to face; we, through their eyes.  Why should not we also enjoy an original relation to the universe?  Why should not we have a poetry and philosophy of insight and not of tradition, and a religion by revelation to us, and not the history of theirs?”  For Emerson, the presence of the divine spirit in both nature and the human soul made a direct understanding of God and openness to the natural world key to the understanding of broader truth.  In each manifestation of God, man could discover in encapsulated form all universal laws at work.  What was required for such perception was neither the received dogma of traditional systems of belief nor reasoned logic, but rather a more mystical intuition capable of revealing truth and morality in the various expressions of the divine.&#13;
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   Slim volume though it was, Nature drew response from reviewers.  Orestes Brownson wrote about it for the Boston Reformer, for example, the conservative Francis Bowen (a critic of Transcendentalism) for the Christian Examiner, Samuel Osgood for the Western Messenger, and Elizabeth Peabody for the United States Magazine and Democratic Review.  The book generated mixed reactions.  Even those reviewers sympathetic to Transcendental thought found aspects of Emerson’s presentation radical, unsettling, and unconvincing.  Peabody—in many ways the consummate Transcendentalist—urged Emerson in her favorable review to write another book to clarify the philosophy that the reader could only understand “by glimpses” in Nature, and to expand upon certain of his religious ideas.</text>
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                <text>On behalf of the Phi Beta Kappa standing committee at Harvard, Dr. Cornelius Conway Felton asked Emerson to deliver the Phi Beta Kappa oration on August 31, 1837.  Ironically, he was requested to make what would turn out to be one of his most influential addresses in place of the Rev. Dr. Wainwright, who had agreed to speak but had backed out not long before the event.  Emerson referred to the upcoming speech in a letter to his brother William on August 7th, and on August 17th wrote Margaret Fuller, asking her to return from Cambridge to Concord with him and Lidian after its delivery.  The Emersons planned a meeting of “Mr. Hedge’s Club” in their Concord home the following day.&#13;
&#13;
   Emerson read the speech, which lasted an hour and a quarter, after noon on the appointed day, in the meetinghouse at Harvard.  His audience included more than two hundred Phi Beta Kappa members and some of his close friends and associates, Bronson Alcott and Frederic Henry Hedge among them.  The orator called for a new American thought based on intellectual self-reliance rather than the thought of the past, for a new breed of American thinker freed from slavish devotion to inherited culture to realize his divinely inspired human capabilities.  Emerson closed the address powerfully: “A nation of men will for the first time exist, because each believes himself inspired by the Divine Soul which also inspires all men.” &#13;
&#13;
   The importance to Emerson of the unifying universal soul underlying the soul of each individual was jovially alluded to in a toast made at the dinner following the speech:  “ … I  suppose all know where the orator comes from; and I suppose all know what he has said; I give you The Spirit of Concord; it makes us all of One Mind.”&#13;
&#13;
   The Phi Beta Kappa oration was first published in September, 1837, in an edition of five hundred copies, all of which were sold within a month’s time.  (The copy shown here was inscribed by Emerson for Convers Francis, his fellow member of the Transcendental Club.)  It was well-received, although—as with Nature—generally favorable reviewers offered criticism as well as praise.  In the Boston Quarterly Review, for example, William Henry Channing judged Emerson “true, reverent, free, and loving” but regretted “that Mr. Emerson’s style is so little a transparent one.”  It was later described by Oliver Wendell Holmes as “our intellectual Declaration of Independence.”&#13;
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